The Cultural Homogenisation And Heterogenisation Cultural Studies Essay

The Cultural Homogenisation And Heterogenisation Cultural Studies Essay fetching a unilayered view on tillage can easily aftermath in limited equations much(prenominal) as homogenization does non refer homogenisation, since homogenisation evokes heterogenisation, and both processes be occurring at the equivalent time. Yet, by victimisation Rams concept (2004) of the one-way institutional homogenisation and two-way symbolic heterogenisation aim enables us to distinctiate where homogenisation and heterogenisation are taking place. Lets consider whatsoever(prenominal) examples to grasp this concept. In Rams example, Falafel, Israels national dish, which was on its demise, see a renascence through the arrival of hamburgers. He argues that McDonaldisation represents homogenisation on the institutional direct (victory of foreign culture) and the renaissance of falafel represents heterogenisation on the symbolic level (victory of local culture). The examples of the tattoo culture in Japan (Yamada, 2009), and the Toraja culture (Volkman, 1984) exhibit a similar pattern. In the Japanese culture, tattoos have long been appreciated, particularly since introductory beginnings of the mid 18th century, when so called full body suits tattooing started. This culture has been unambiguous in the population groups of lovers, geishas, prostitutes, and criminals. Yet, the Meiji Restauration in 1868 led to Westernisation and changed Japanese attitudes towards tattoos. What was initially viewed as spiritual and stylish suddenly changed to be viewed as abhorrent. Japanese tattoo culture, however, experienced a renaissance through incorporating American one rank tattoos. In the case of the Toraja, an ethnic group in Indonesia, lengthy funeral ceremonies experienced a revival. Through improvement in mobility, thousands of Torajans immigrated to Massakar and other places in the thirties to find jobs. Most of them were open-minded, well-educated young people that had converted into Christianity. When they came keister to Toraja they did not try to eradicate traditional funeral practises and replace them with Christian or much cosmopolitan values, in the contrary they were the main promoters to revive the tradition.It is main(prenominal) to on a lower floorstand that the above mentioned revivals did not merely bring back a dying tradition. However, they brought back an old tradition with redefined meanings. This is particularly evident in the case of falafel, which lost its unique taste, is nowadays served indoor, and produced in a standardise manner. Therefore, the feelings attached to buying a falafel are real presumable to have changed compared to 50 years ago. Furthermore, one-point tattoos do not bear the aforesaid(prenominal) spiritual meaning as full body suits tattoos, and funeral ceremonies in Toraja are nowadays more a practice to attract tourists, and showing false wealth. Put simply, they lost its spiritual meaning and authen ticity.Rams concept is a real partful, differentiated concept for understanding the forces that shape cultural homogenisation and heterogenisation. Nevertheless(prenominal), it is limited in its effrontery that homogenisation on the institutional level is a one-way road (Ram, 2004, p. 24). Yet, it is much more a two-way street with different proportions of power as the expressive symbolic level (ibid., p. 23). polarizationContemporary scholars such as Appadurai (2006) and Lieber Weisberg (2002) question Samuel Huningtons scheme of Clash of Civilisations. Appadurai claims that the possibleness is flawed since it leaves only geography, instead of emphasising ideology. He therefore suggests renaming the polarisation theory into Clash of Ideocide. Furthermore, Lieber Weisberg argue that the clash is quite deep down than between cultures. I prefer Appadurais, Lieber, and Weisbergs views, because they shifted the subject area from the ethnic to an ideological level and acknowle dge deterritorialisation, which leave behind be discussed in the next section. Even though, Huningtons concept is flawed, he superpower be correct with his notion of polarisation. As an example let us consider Axelrods (1997) experiment in the field of cultural convergence, which contributed to shed whatever light on this debate. He developed a mathematical model, which he used to find out how m both stable homogenised states hang on at the end of the experiment (a run). His model is based on the assumption that the more similar cultures are to each other, the more likely they leave eventually homogenise. The number of stable homogenised regions at the end differed depending on the run. His findings indicate amongst others that polarisation increased the more cultural features (cultural dimensions) were used, because of the higher hazard of being similar on one of the features. However, the more traits were attached to a feature the more stable homogenised states resulted at the end, meaning less polarisation. For instance, a feature could be the language people speak, and the traits the various alternate(a) languages that might be spoken in that particular state. This model, however, has its limitations like all other model. In my opinion, the model correctly coins that similar cultures are more likely to become homogenised. But it lacks to consider the inverse effect of heterogenisation, which we could keep back in the examples of falafel, Toraja, and tattoo culture. Additionally, his attempt to simulate intercommittedness resulted in regional- rather than global interconnectedness. Nevertheless, the experiment demonstrates that polarisation can take place under certain conditions, and that the outcome of polarisation is ambiguous. This harbours the transformalists view that the massive shake out, caused by globalisation, remains uncertain (Giddens, 1996).It is doubtful that cultures become polarised at an ideological level, as individuals have t he desire to distinguish themselves from others by spirit (Axelrod, 1997). However, it is conceivable that future day events, which people associate with religion, could then lead to a Clash of Ideocide, loss two or three clear distinguishable, unharmonisable, and antagonised cultures.Complexity of measurement cultureEven though, plenty of research has been done in the field of measuring cultures, e.g. by Trompenaar and Hampden-Turner (2008) or Geert Hofstede (2003), present studies provide us with limited results. To conceive of that we can measure cultures rests on the assumption that there is in any case a definable, lived national culture(Held, 1999, p. 369). Yet, being British or American does not define who you are It is part of who you are (Legrain, 2003, p. 6). Furthermore, societies do not share values and interests. They are rather contradicting social structures, which are continuously trying to find compromises (Castells, 2009).The phenomenon of deterritorialisati on is also particularly making it difficult to steady down the trajectory of globalisation. This concept represents the uncoupling of territory and culture through man interconnectedness (Held, 1999). A few clicks suffice to connect with the world and get receptive to the foreign. However, according to Wolfgang Welschs concept of Transculturality (1999) there is nothing absolutely foreign anymore, since everything is within pass around. A notion which is in accordance with Appadurais view that there is no distinct we and they anymore (2006). Yet, foreign cultures are not within reach for everyone. There exist huge inequalities between countries and within societies when it comes to internet entrance (Held, 1999 ITU, 2009). In this context one could ask to which extent the not-haves influence the countrys elite, which is connected to the world? And how much do foreign television programmes and homepages influence a society? To respond this question one could utilise Giulianotti and Robertsons concept regarding migration strategies (2007). It assumes that individuals use strategies to either accept or reject foreign ideas and practices. Taking that as a basis, we can conclude that individuals do not passively have foreign cultural traits. They either actively absorb them because of preference or convenience or actively reject them. Lets consider an example to instance the complexity of this subject. Think of a Norwegian railway lineperson who newly drinks coffee berry at Starbucks in Oslo. Does that tell us how American he has become, if at all? Did the meaning he attaches to coffee change in any way? From this example it should get clear that by only analysing labored facts, such as counting the number of McDonalds, BMWs, Swiss Watches, etc. in a country cannot give us a comprehensive answer of how homogenised cultures are. However, it is beyond doubt that the explicit cultural layer is influencing the unspoken one the question is rather to which ex tent. To determine the magnitude of this influence is indeed a tough nut to crack.As we discussed earlier in this section, societies are contradicting social structures comprising people with different cultures. Therefore, one can assume that different personalities take different decisions in rejecting and accepting foreign cultural traits. Lets assume an example of a French citizen that regards himself as cosmopolitan, speaks seven languages, travels around the world but is fighting in the front line for rigorous migration policies in his country. In this case he welcomes global cultural flows to France, with the exception of unconditional immigrants and refugees, which make part of the ethnoscape one of Appadurais five cultural flows (Appadurai, 2002). In contrast, another(prenominal) French citizen might feel responsible to help those people in need, however, might reject any foreign ideology that is not in accordance with his religious view. Who in this case is now the cosmop olitan and who is the heartlander (Goh, 1999)? This favouritism towards particular types of globalisation flows is also evident in the example of the Israeli businessperson Ezer Weizman. He was a renowned car importer with strong business connections to the US. Yet, he fought at the forefront against the three Ms McDonalds, Michael Jackson and Madona (Ram, 2004, p. 18). The same particularistic behaviour shows the Indian elite that basically hates American lifestyle, however, sends their children to US universities and tries to pursue the American dream (Appadurai, 2006). In the Middle-East this phenomenon is called Muslim schizophrenia (Lieber Weisberg, 2002). The final example to illustrate my point, uses the case of the Russian youth who welcomes technological advances such as iPods but does not want to emulate the spiritual nature of American lifestyle (Macgregor, 2008).ConclusionThis essay demonstrated the complexity of this topic and showed that polarisation, homogenisation, and heterogenisation are simultaneously shaping contemporary society. I therefore support the view of the transformalists who believe that the direction of the shake out, caused by globalisation, remains uncertain.Nevertheless, we might ask which concept is more prevalent in contemporary society. In my opinion it is homogenisation, since the homogenisation process on the structural level is very intense and the heterogenisation process, like Ram stated, rather symbolic. The homogenisation process is chiefly driven by communication technology, education, human rights culture, business attempt to expire difference, and the desire to increase efficiency through latest technology. It can be expected that those drivers of homogenisation will continue to shape society in the future. Homogenisation, however, will neither reach its pure form nor remain static, as people want to distinguish themselves by nature and will actively reject foreign cultures.At this point, I want to emphasise t hat the homogenisation trend might shift in some decades towards a office of heterogenisation or polarisation. Issues like climate change, wars, shifts in economic and political power, and melodramatic events that people associate with religion could have unpredictable outcomes.